Arif Qurbani
Under the Sykes-Picot Agreement, as with other parts of Kurdistan, the geographical region of West Kurdistan (referred to as North and East Syria, or Rojava by the Kurds) was forcibly annexed to the newly established Syrian Arab state after World War I, without Kurdish consent. Neither during the French mandate nor in the post-independence era were the Kurds, the country’s second-largest ethnic group, granted legitimate rights. Oppression reached such an extent that many Kurds were stripped of their citizenship.
What distinguishes West Kurdistan from other parts of Kurdistan is that there was no armed political movement or armed Kurdish insurgency against the Syrian state. While from the very beginning of this division and the creation of the nation-state (the dominant Persian, Arab, and Turkish nations), the Kurdish political and armed movement emerged against the occupation and the dominant nation-state, in other parts of greater Kurdistan. They started the revolution in North Kurdistan under the leadership of Sheikh Saied Piran, in the south under the leadership of Sheikh Mahmoud Hafid, and in the east under the leadership of Simko Shikak. Alongside these armed revolutions and insurgencies, several Kurdish political groups and organizations have emerged and continued over the past hundred years.
In West Kurdistan, during the Mandate period, there were several initial attempts to obtain the consent of the French to grant the right to education in Kurdish Kurdish areas. But France did not see that as justified. Since the independence of Syria, not only have no rights been granted to the Kurds, but the phase of denial and attempts to dissolve the Kurds has begun in various ways. Some Kurds have been moved deep into the Arab areas and many Arabs have been brought to Kurdish property. Kurds have been deprived of all basic rights and identity; Kurds suffered deeply under successive Arab nationalist regimes.
The oppression of successive Arab chauvinist regimes in Syria has been no less than that of other states in Iraq, Turkey and Iran. On the other hand, the Kurds, as their intellectual and political elite, have constantly sought political and civil solutions to achieve their deprived Kurdish rights in the country and have never taken up arms.
The first Kurdish political party (Kurdish Democratic Party) was established in Syria in the mid-1950s. Since then, dozens of other Kurdish political parties have been established until the Arab Spring. Several of their leaders have been arrested and sentenced to prison terms by the regime. However, the method of struggle and conflict between the Kurds and Damascus has not reached the level of armed struggle.
The Arab Spring brought new dynamics to Syria, paving the way for the first Kurdish armed movements. Yet even then, Kurdish armed forces emerged not to fight Damascus but to protect Kurdish areas as Syrian forces withdrew. Over the 12 years, despite the presence of Kurdish armed forces, clashes with Damascus were minimal. Instead, the primary threats came from extremist jihadist groups, such as Al-Nusra Front, ISIS, and factions of the Free Syrian Army (now under the Tahrir al-Sham umbrella). These groups launched attacks on Kurdish areas, committing atrocities and massacres.
Turkey also played a significant role in targeting Kurdish regions like Afrin, using both its military and Syrian-affiliated groups. Despite these challenges, the Kurds defended their territories with immense sacrifices, maintaining their position in the face of a complex geopolitical landscape.
A Potential Turning Point
Looking ahead, West Kurdistan faces a potentially difficult phase of conflict with Damascus that could escalate into an armed struggle. Two key factors contribute to this:
New Syrian Leadership Dynamics: Groups that fought the Kurds over the past decade are gaining influence in Syrian politics. These factions are unlikely to embrace pluralism or Kurdish rights, increasing the likelihood of conflict.
Turkey’s Policies: Turkey continues to view Kurdish forces as a threat and seeks to prevent the emergence of a Kurdish autonomous region in Syria, akin to the Kurdistan Region in Iraq. Turkey has recognized that direct military operations in Syria may not gain Western support. Instead, Ankara is leveraging Damascus to suppress Kurdish aspirations, exploiting Syria’s dependence on Turkey.
Strategic Considerations for the Kurds
International pressure may also mount on Kurdish forces to integrate with the Syrian state under the pretext of maintaining state control over weapons. Additionally, Iran, through its influence in Syria, may seek to establish armed groups aligned with its interests.
However, the Kurds should approach negotiations with patience and caution. Syria’s current alignment with Turkey may not last, as Gulf countries and Israel have different regional strategic goals. Over time, Western countries may also reconsider their stance, particularly if a secure Kurdish region emerges as a counterbalance to Syrian rule.
By leveraging time and international dynamics, the Kurds can navigate these challenges and secure their position in the region’s evolving political landscape.
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Arif Qurbani is a Kurdish writer, journalist, and political analyst who is known for his work on Kurdish issues, Middle Eastern politics, and the Kurdish struggle for rights and identity. His writings often focus on the historical and geopolitical challenges faced by the Kurdish people across various parts of Kurdistan, including Iraq, Syria, Turkey, and Iran.